State of the Art: Android Cameras From Nikon and Samsung Go Beyond Cellphones - Review




60 Seconds with Pogue: Android Cameras:
David Pogue reviews the Nikon Coolpix S800C and the Samsung Galaxy Camera.







“Android camera.” Wow, that has a weird ring, doesn’t it? You just don’t think of a camera as having an operating system. It’s like saying “Windows toaster” or “Unix jump rope.”




But yes, that’s what it has come to. Ever since cellphone cameras got good enough for everyday snapshots, camera sales have been dropping. For millions of people, the ability to share a fresh photo wirelessly — Facebook, Twitter, e-mail, text message — is so tempting, they’re willing to sacrifice a lot of real-camera goodness.


That’s an awfully big convenience/photo-quality swap. A real camera teems with compelling features that most phones lack: optical zoom, big sensor, image stabilization, removable memory cards, removable batteries and decent ergonomics. (A four-inch, featureless glass slab is not exactly optimally shaped for a hand-held photographic instrument.)


But the camera makers aren’t taking the cellphone invasion lying down. New models from Nikon and Samsung are obvious graduates of the “if you can’t beat ’em, join ’em” school. The Nikon Coolpix S800C ($300) and Samsung’s Galaxy Camera ($500 from AT&T, $550 from Verizon) are fascinating hybrids. They merge elements of the cellphone and the camera into something entirely new and — if these flawed 1.0 versions are any indication — very promising.


From the back, you could mistake both of these cameras for Android phones. The big black multitouch screen is filled with app icons. Yes, app icons. These cameras can run Angry Birds, Flipboard, Instapaper, Pandora, Firefox, The New York Times, GPS navigation programs and so on. You download and run them exactly the same way. (That’s right, a GPS function. “What’s the address, honey? I’ll plug it into my camera.”)


But the real reason you’d want an Android camera is wirelessness. Now you can take a real photo with a real camera — and post it or send it online instantly. You eliminate the whole “get home and transfer it to the computer” step.


And as long as your camera can get online, why stop there? These cameras also do a fine job of handling Web surfing, e-mail, YouTube videos, Facebook feeds and other online tasks. Well, as fine a job as a phone could do, anyway.


You can even make Skype video calls, although you won’t be able to see your conversation partner; the lens has to be pointing toward you.


Both cameras get online using Wi-Fi hot spots. The Samsung model can also get online over the cellular networks, just like a phone, so you can upload almost anywhere.


Of course, there’s a price for that luxury. Verizon charges at least $30 a month if you don’t have a Verizon plan, or $5 if you have a Verizon Share Everything plan. AT&T charges $50 a month or more for the camera alone, or $10 more if you already have a Mobile Share plan.


If you have a choice, Verizon is the way to go. Not only is $5 a month much more realistic than $10 a month, but Verizon’s 4G LTE network is far faster than AT&T’s 4G network. That’s an important consideration, since what you’ll mostly be doing with your 4G cellular camera is uploading big photo files. (Wow. Did I just write “4G cellular camera?”)


These cameras offer a second big attraction, though: freedom of photo software. The Android store overflows with photography apps. Mix and match. Take a shot with one app, crop, degrade and post it with Instagram.


Just beware that most of them are intended for cellphones, so they don’t recognize these actual cameras’ optical zoom controls. Some of the photo-editing apps can’t handle these cameras’ big 16-megapixel files, either. Unfortunately, you won’t really know until you pay the $1.50 or $4 to download these apps.


E-mail: pogue@nytimes.com



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African National Congress Chooses Business Tycoon as Deputy President





BLOEMFONTEIN, South Africa — In South Africa, a nation where the gap between the rich and poor yawns wider than just about anywhere in the world, Cyril Ramaphosa might seem an unlikely savior to a political party whose base is the poor. His fortune is estimated to top $500 million. He sits on the board of the mining company whose 34 workers were killed in a harsh police crackdown on an illegal strike protesting low pay and miserable living conditions.




Yet when all the votes were counted at the African National Congress’s leadership conference here on Tuesday, Mr. Ramaphosa, a union leader turned business tycoon, had won more than 75 percent of the vote to become deputy president of the party, making him heir apparent to the top job and South Africa’s presidency once the nation’s leader, Jacob Zuma, ultimately leaves office.


Mr. Zuma, who is embattled but popular among the party faithful who attended the conference, easily won a second term as president of the party, beating back a challenge from his deputy, Kgalema Motlanthe.


The vote caps a tumultuous year for the A.N.C. It began with celebrations of the centenary of the party’s founding but quickly descended into party infighting and economic chaos after a series of violent wildcat strikes met the harsh police crackdown that killed the 34 miners. Revelations of corrupt deals and state-sponsored renovations on Mr. Zuma’s house in his home village tarnished his image as the son of a poor family who rose to the highest office in the land.


While the party met, the man who in many ways remains its symbolic and moral center, Nelson Mandela, who led the country out of apartheid and into multiracial democracy, remained in the hospital, 94 and in frail health.


And as if to underscore the uncertainty the nation faces, four men associated with a right-wing Afrikaner group seeking a separate state for whites were charged with treason in court here in Bloemfontein on Tuesday, accused of plotting to bomb the leadership conference and assassinate Mr. Zuma in a plot they code-named “The Slaughter of Mangaung,” a reference to the municipal region where the conference was held.


As was widely expected, the 4,000 delegates here opted to return Mr. Zuma as the party president, making him almost certain to win the presidential election to be held in 2014.


His victory was greeted by wild cheering in the vast tent erected on the campus of a university to hold the delegates. Beneath yellow, black and green bunting, the colors of the A.N.C., they sang “Zuma is the one,” and stomped their feet, waving two fingers in the air, a symbol of support for Mr. Zuma’s second term.


Less expected until recent weeks was the re-emergence of Mr. Ramaphosa on the political stage. As a young lawyer in the 1980s, Mr. Ramaphosa founded the National Union of Mineworkers and led the country’s biggest mine strike in 1987. He played a crucial role in negotiating the transition from white rule to democracy after Mr. Mandela was released from prison in 1990. He also helped draft the country’s Constitution.


He was widely touted as Mr. Mandela’s most likely successor but was passed over in favor of Thabo Mbeki, and went into business instead. His investment company, Shanduka, has made him enormous wealth, with investments ranging from mining to fast food to mobile telecommunications.


Mr. Ramaphosa is in many respects the embodiment of the contradictions and divisions that have rived the A.N.C. in the decades since apartheid ended. He fought alongside other stalwarts of the struggle who remained in South Africa while the A.N.C. and other opposition parties were banned, spending 11 months in solitary confinement as a young man for his agitation against the state. He sacrificed what could have been a lucrative career working for white-owned companies for poorly paid union work.


But his wealth and power since the end of apartheid have also made him an emblem of a party that has gone from resisting a brutally oppressive government to being the dominant party in government and, increasingly, in business. Investment deals made under policies designed to encourage black ownership in the economy have made Mr. Ramaphosa a very prominent member of the new black elite that is viewed with envy and suspicion by millions of poor blacks left far behind.


Recent events have sharpened this perception. Mr. Ramaphosa serves on the board of directors of Lonmin, the platinum mining company whose workers were killed by the police during a wildcat strike in August. He was also widely criticized for bidding more than $2 million to buy a prize buffalo for breeding, though his supporters argue it was an investment, not a vanity purchase, and in any case another farmer outbid him.


“It hasn’t been a particularly good year for him,” said Trevor Manuel, a top A.N.C. leader who has worked closely with Mr. Ramaphosa for years, most recently on South Africa’s Planning Commission, where Mr. Ramaphosa was his deputy.


Some here question whether his vast wealth and long absence from retail politics have put him out of touch with the rank and file of the A.N.C.


“In a party that is grappling above all with inequality, how does it look to have a deputy president who is a billionaire?” asked Adam Habib, a political analyst who has just been named vice chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand.


Mr. Ramaphosa has bridged the world of white capital and black working people for most of his career. He is a lawyer by training and never actually worked as a miner.


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Google Music adds free iTunes-like song-matching feature









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A&M's Johnny Football is AP's Player of the Year


Johnny Manziel ran for almost 1,700 yards and 30 touchdowns as a dual-threat quarterback his senior year of high school at Kerrville Tivy.


Who would have thought he'd be even more impressive at Texas A&M when pitted against the defenses of the Southeastern Conference?


On Tuesday, Manziel picked up another major award for his spectacular debut season. He was voted The Associated Press Player of the Year. As with the Heisman Trophy and Davey O'Brien Award that Manziel already won, the QB nicknamed Johnny Football is the first freshman to collect the AP award.


Manziel's 31 votes were more than twice that of second place finisher Manti Te'o, Notre Dame's start linebacker. He is the third straight Heisman-winning quarterback to receive the honor, following Robert Griffin III and Cam Newton.


Manziel erased initial doubts about his ability when he ran for 60 yards and a score in his first game against Florida.


"I knew I could run the ball, I did it a lot in high school," Manziel said in an interview with the AP. "It is just something that you don't get a chance to see in the spring. Quarterbacks aren't live in the spring. You don't get to tackle. You don't get to evade some of the sacks that you would in normal game situations. So I feel like when I was able to avoid getting tackled, it opened some people's eyes a little bit more."


The 6-foot-1 Manziel threw for 3,419 yards and 24 touchdowns and ran for 1,181 yards and 19 more scores to help the Aggies win 10 games for the first time since 1998 — and in their inaugural SEC year, too.


Ryan Tannehill, Manziel's predecessor now with the Dolphins after being drafted eighth overall this season, saw promise from the young quarterback last year when he was redshirted. But even he is surprised at how quickly things came together for Manziel.


"It's pretty wild. I always thought he had that playmaking ability, that something special where if somebody came free, he can make something exciting happen," Tannehill said. "I wasn't really sure if, I don't think anyone was sure if he was going to be able to carry that throughout an SEC season, and he's shocked the world and he did it."


After Manziel sat out as a redshirt in 2011, Texas A&M's scheduled season-opener against Louisiana Tech this year was postponed because of Hurricane Isaac. That left him to get his first taste of live defense in almost two years against Florida.


He responded well, helping the Aggies race to a 17-7 lead early using both his arm and his feet. The Gators shut down Manziel and A&M's offense in the second half and Texas A&M lost 20-17.


But Manziel's performance was enough for Texas A&M's coaching staff to realize that his scrambling ability was going to be a big part of what the Aggies could do this season.


"The first half really showed that I was a little bit more mobile than we had seen throughout the spring," Manziel said. "Me and (then-offensive coordinator) Kliff Kingsbury sat down and really said: 'Hey we can do some things with my feet as well as throwing the ball.' And it added a little bit of a new dimension."


Manziel knew that the biggest adjustment from playing in high school to college would be the speed of the game. Exactly how quick players in the SEC were was still a jolt to the quarterback.


"The whole first drive I was just seeing how fast they really flew to the ball and I felt like they just moved a whole lot faster," he said of the Florida game. "It was different than what I was used to, different than what I was used to in high school. So it was just having to learn quick and adjust on the fly."


He did just that and started piling up highlight reel material by deftly avoiding would-be tacklers to help the Aggies run off five consecutive wins after that.


His storybook ride hit a roadblock when he threw a season-high three interceptions in a 24-19 loss to LSU. But Manziel used it as a learning experience, taking to heart some advice he received from Kingsbury.


"He just told me to have a plan every time, before every snap," Manziel said. "Make sure you have a plan on what you want to do and where you want to go with the ball."


"I feel like as the year went on, I just learned the offense more and knew exactly where I wanted to go, instead of maybe evading the blitz and just taking off running for the first down instead of hitting a hot route or throwing it underneath to an open guy and doing things a lot simpler and cleaner."


The Aggies and Manziel rebounded from the loss to LSU by winning their last five games, highlighted by their stunning 29-24 upset of top-ranked Alabama on Nov. 10.


By the time Manziel wrapped up a 253-yard passing and 92-yard rushing performance to lead Texas A&M to the victory in Tuscaloosa, you could hardly call him a freshman anymore.


"You keep growing and growing every week," he said. "By the time I played Alabama I had a much better grasp of the game than I did in the first one."


The 4,600 yards of total offense Manziel gained in 12 games broke the SEC record for total yards in a season. The record was previously held by 2010 Heisman winner Newton, who needed 14 games to pile up 4,327 yards. The output also made him the first freshman, first player in the SEC and fifth player overall to throw for 3,000 yards and run for 1,000 in a season.


Manziel, who turned 20 two days before taking home the Heisman, has been so busy he hasn't had a second to step back and digest the historical significance of his accomplishments this season.


He's far more concerned with helping the Aggies extend their winning streak to six games with a win over Oklahoma on Jan. 4 in the Cotton Bowl.


"I think it will happen after the bowl game and after the season is completely over," he said. "I'm just ready for it to die down a little bit and get back into a practice routine where we get better and hopefully do what we want to do in the bowl game."


He'll have to do it without his mentor Kingsbury, who left A&M last week to become coach at Texas Tech, where he starred at quarterback not that long ago. Manziel said is happy Kingsbury got to return to his alma matter, but is still adjusting to the idea of playing without him.


"I'm the happiest guy on the face of the earth for him," Manziel said, speaking from California where he appeared on the "Tonight Show" Monday evening. "I think he deserves it with how hard he's worked this year to get us where we were. It's bittersweet though, because I'd like him to be here for the entire time that I'm here."


Manziel is eager to get back on the field for the Cotton Bowl and is focused on helping the offense pick up where it left off in the regular-season finale.


"Even though Kliff Kingsbury's not here anymore, we just need to continue to get better and do what we do," Manziel said. "Push tempo, go fast and be the high-flying offense that we have been all year."


_____


AP Sports Writer Steven Wine contributed to this story from Miami.


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DealBook: Private Equity Giant to Sell Gunmaker; Cites Massacre

12:12 p.m. | Updated

The investment firm Cerberus Capital Management announced Tuesday that it would sell its stake in the country’s largest gun maker after one of the company’s guns was used in the Connecticut school shootings.

Cerberus said that it was putting the company, Freedom Group, up for sale just hours after one of its largest investors, the California teachers’ pension fund, said it was reviewing its relationship with the firm. Also late Monday, the California treasurer raised concerns about the state’s pension funds’ investments in gun companies.

Cerberus, a private-equity and hedge fund firm based in New York, is owned by the billionaire financier Stephen A. Feinberg. His father lives in Newtown, Conn., where the shooting rampage occurred. The authorities say that Adam Lanza, the shooter, used a semiautomatic rifle made by Bushmaster, one of Freedom Group’s brands, to kill 26 people at Sandy Hook Elementary School, as well as his mother and himself.

Early Tuesday morning, about 1 a.m. — after several media outlets highlighted Cerberus’s ties to the gun maker, and the California officials issued statements — Cerberus issued a 400-word statement announcing the planned sale of the company. “It is apparent that the Sandy Hook tragedy was a watershed event that has raised the national debate on gun control to an unprecedented level,” the release said.

“The debate essentially focuses on the balance between public safety and the scope of the Constitutional rights under the Second Amendment,” Cerberus said. “As a firm, we are investors, not statements or policy makers.” The statement added: “It is not our role to take positions, or attempt to shape or influence the gun control policy debate. That is the job of our federal and state legislators.”

It is unclear who, if anyone, would be a potential buyer for Freedom. Over the last two days, shares of the publicly traded United States gun makers, Sturm, Ruger & Company and Smith & Wesson, dropped precipitously on the fears of increased gun regulation. Several foreign gun manufacturers, including Forjas Taurus of Brazil and Herstal Group of Belgium, could be possible suitors, according to a banker familiar with the weapons industry.

Cerberus said that it would retain a financial adviser to sell its interests in Freedom Group and then return the sale proceeds to its investors. “We believe that this decision allows us to meet our obligations to the investors whose interests we are entrusted to protect without being drawn into the national debate that is more properly pursued by those with the formal charter and public responsibility to do so,” said the statement.

The publicity-averse Mr. Feinberg came under scrutiny last decade after buying two of the country’s most well-known companies, the automaker Chrysler and the finance arm of General Motors. Cerberus, which made those acquisitions just before the financial crisis struck, suffered losses on both deals, and Mr. Feinberg told his investors that Cerberus would in the future stay away from prominent investments.

Despite that vow, Mr. Feinberg again has found himself under the spotlight because of a Cerberus holding. Freedom Group’s origins date to 2006, when Cerberus acquired Bushmaster Firearms. The firm then consolidated the fragmented gun industry, acquiring at least six other brands and rolling them into one company to create Freedom Group, which is based in Madison, N.C. Freedom is on track to post about $900 million in revenue this year.

Other brands under the Freedom Group umbrella include Remington Arms, the country’s largest and oldest maker of rifles; Marlin Firearms, a manufacturer of lever-action rifles; and Advanced Armament, a maker of pistol silencers. The company proposed an initial public offering in 2009, but withdrew its plans last year after its financial performance weakened.

Mr. Feinberg has a penchant for investing in defense-related businesses. Its holdings include the military contractor IAP Worldwide Services and the satellite provider GeoEye. Cerberus also explored an investment in Blackwater USA, the private-security contractor since renamed Xe Services, but a deal never materialized.

A major Republican donor, Mr. Feinberg has a number of former prominent political and military officials on Cerberus’s payroll, including Dan Quayle, the former vice president; John Snow, the former Treasury Secretary; and George A. Joulwan, the former Supreme Allied Commander of Europe. He is also an avid shooter and hunter — favoring a Remington 700 — and has a membership at the upscale hunting club Mashomack Preserve Club in Pine Plains, N.Y.

A fellow firearms enthusiast and Cerberus executive, George Kollitides, has served as Freedom Group’s chief executive since March. Mr. Kollitides is a trustee of the N.R.A. Foundation and a director of the New York State Rifle & Pistol Association.

Mr. Feinberg, 52, was raised in Spring Valley, N.Y., in Rockland County, and after graduating from Princeton, started his Wall Street career working at Drexel Burnham Lambert during the bank’s heyday in the 1980s. After developing a specialty trading in the distressed debt of troubled companies, Mr. Feinberg struck out on his own to start Cerberus.

His father, Martin Feinberg, 86, lives in Newtown, Conn., according to public records. It is unclear whether Mr. Feinberg’s father played any role in Cerberus’s decision to divest its stake in Freedom Group.

Though Freedom Group was unable to complete its I.P.O., the deal has been a successful one for Cerberus, according to a person briefed on the investment.

If it is able to sell Freedom Group for a profit, some of the beneficiaries would be Cerberus’s investors, which include two of the country’s largest and most influential pension funds — the California State Teachers’ Retirement System, or Calstrs, and the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, or Calpers.

On Tuesday, Ricardo Duran, a spokesman for Calstrs, applauded Cerberus’s decision to unload Freedom Group and said it would remain an investor with the firm. Calstrs has $600 million invested in Cerberus funds, which, as a result, give it a 2.4 percent stake in Freedom Group.

“They are taking a very responsible approach to this and we are happy that they’re selling,” said Mr. Duran.

Bill Lockyer, the California Treasurer, said that the state’s pension funds should not own stakes in any companies that make assault weapons.

“Our objective is to make sure that both Calpers and Calstrs are scrubbed clean of any investment in any company that makes guns that are illegal in this state and expose our communities to violence and death,” said Mr. Lockyer, in a statement. “We’re pleased that Cerberus is taking this action but our initiative extends far beyond one company.”

Neil Gough contributed reporting from Hong Kong.

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Car Bomb Kills at Least 17 in Pakistani Tribal Region


Qazi Rauf/Associated Press


A car bomb ripped through the women’s waiting area of a bus stop in Pakistan's Khyber tribal region on Monday.







ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — A powerful car bomb exploded near government offices in a town in the northwestern tribal belt on Monday, killing at least 17 people and wounding dozens, local officials said.




The car bomb attack, in the Khyber tribal agency, followed a Taliban assault on the nearby international airport in Peshawar over the weekend that left at least 15 people dead, 10 of them militants, underlining the continued potency of Islamist fighters in the area.


In Monday’s attack, officials said that a vehicle loaded with an estimated 90 pounds of explosives was detonated by remote control in Jamrud, close to Peshawar, which borders the tribal belt.


Although the blast occurred near the offices of a senior government official, its immediate force ripped through the women’s waiting area of a bus stop, said Jahangir Azim, a senior official in the Khyber agency. The dead included four Afghan women and three children, he said.


There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the blast, which damaged shops and vehicles across a wide radius. The dead and an estimated 44 wounded people were taken to hospitals.


Khyber is home to several Islamist militant groups, some of which are affiliated with the Pakistani Taliban, while others are fighting both the Taliban and the government.


Officials said they were unsure whether Monday’s attack was aimed at the government offices or at members of the Zakakhel subtribe, which has recently sided with the government against the Taliban. One bus stop in the vicinity of the blast is used by the Zakakhel to travel to their home area of Tirah Valley, which has recently seen fighting between members of a government-sponsored tribal militia and two rival Islamist groups.


“At the moment we are not in position to allege someone for the blast or to tell exactly what was the motive behind the attack by the perpetrators,” Asmatullah Wazir, a local government official, said by telephone.


In the Taliban attack against the Peshawar airport, five militants died during a failed attempt to break through the airport’s perimeter wall on Saturday night, while another five died during a shootout with security forces at a nearby house on Sunday morning.


At least five other people, including three civilians and two police officers, died in the attack, which was the first concerted attack on the Peshawar airport. Although the Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, officials identified several of the attackers as Uzbeks, suggesting that elements linked to Al Qaeda had also participated.


Together, the two attacks killed at least 32 people and wounded more than 80, highlighting the challenges facing the security forces in the run-up to general elections that are due in the next six months.


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Charlie Brown’s Christmas Reunion Will Ruin Your Childhood






We realize there’s only so much time one can spend in a day watching new trailers, viral video clips, and shaky cell phone footage of people arguing on live television. This is why every day The Atlantic Wire highlights the videos that truly earn your five minutes (or less) of attention. Today:


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Sometimes we don’t get art. Sometimes we really, really, don’t get it: 


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RELATED: When Hot Wheels Become a Reality and the Other Pitt


We love A Charlie Brown Christmas. We love Louie. We’re not quite if we love the two mixed together, but we’ll let you know right after we tell kids that Santa doesn’t exist: 


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Meet Basse Andersen of Arendal, Norway. He’s the biggest chicken/scaredy cat in the entire world. And on the bright side, he probably never has any bouts with the hiccups. 


Shifting gears from scaredy cats to actual cats, here’s the latest chapter in the eternal battle between printers and cats:


Wireless News Headlines – Yahoo! News





Title Post: Charlie Brown’s Christmas Reunion Will Ruin Your Childhood
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Duke moves to No. 1 in AP poll after Indiana loss


Duke is back in a familiar place — No. 1.


The Blue Devils advanced one spot to replace Indiana at the top of The Associated Press' Top 25 on Monday, drawing closer to UCLA's record for most No. 1 rankings.


Duke has reached No. 1 at least once in a record 16 seasons under coach Mike Krzyzewski, and has played more games as the No. 1 ranked team in 33 years under Coach K (209) than as an unranked team (141).


No team in the country has the resume that the Blue Devils do: They own three wins over teams ranked in the top five at the time — then-No. 3 Kentucky, then-No. 2 Louisville and then-No. 4 Ohio State, all in a span of 16 days.


"We're proud of it. I think it's a lot different than a preseason ranking," forward Mason Plumlee said. "We feel like we've earned it, not like we've been given anything. (But) if we don't get any better during the season, we're not going to be No. 1 at the end of the season."


Indiana (9-1) held the top spot from the preseason poll through the first five weeks of the season. Butler beat the Hoosiers 88-86 in overtime Saturday.


The Blue Devils (9-0), whose only game in the past 2½ weeks was a victory over Temple on Dec. 8, received 62 first-place votes from the 65-member national media panel.


They will debut their latest No. 1 ranking at home Wednesday night against Cornell.


"I don't anticipate us being rusty — if anything, we might be a little overanxious to play," Plumlee said. "This team loves to play, so when we don't get a game in a week or so, you can get a little anxious."


It is the 123rd week Duke has been ranked No. 1, 11 weeks behind UCLA. All but 31 weeks of Duke's stay on top have come since the 1991-92 season. The Blue Devils' last time at No. 1 was an 11-week run in 2010-11.


"We even know when we watch film on a team that they'll be a different team against us because that's almost always the case," Plumlee said. "They'll shoot a little better, play a little better and maybe the No. 1 ranking adds to that. We consistently get teams' best (effort)."


Michigan (11-0), which received the other No. 1 votes, and Syracuse moved up one place each to second and third. They were followed in the top 10 by Arizona, Louisville, Indiana, Ohio State, Florida, Kansas and Illinois.


Butler (8-2), which beat then-No. 9 North Carolina last month in the EA Sports Maui Invitational, moved into the poll at No. 19. This is the Bulldogs' first appearance in the rankings since the first week of 2010-11.


Wichita State (9-1) dropped out from 23rd after losing 69-60 at Tennessee. The Shockers spent two weeks in the rankings.


North Carolina, with 107 weeks, is the only other school ranked No. 1 for at least 100 polls.


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A Conversation With S. Matthew Liao: Studying Ethical Questions as We Unlock the Black Box of the Brain


Béatrice de Géa for The New York Times


CAUTION S. Matthew Liao urges advance thinking about new technologies.







In a world of proliferating professions, S. Matthew Liao has a singular title: neuroethicist. Dr. Liao, 40, the director of the bioethics program at New York University, deploys the tools of philosophy, history, psychology, religion and ethics to understand the impact of neuroscientific breakthroughs.




We spoke over four hours in two sessions. A condensed and edited version of the conversations follows.


You’re a philosopher by training. How did philosophy lead to neuroethics?


Mine’s the typical immigrant’s story. My family moved to Cincinnati from Taiwan in the early 1980s. Once here, my siblings gravitated towards the sciences. I was the black sheep. I was in love with the humanities. So I didn’t go to M.I.T. — I went to Princeton, where I got a degree in philosophy. This, of course, worried my parents. They’d never met a philosopher with a job.


Do you have any insight on why scientific careers are so attractive to new Americans?


You don’t need to speak perfect English to do science. And there are job opportunities.


Define neuroethics.


It’s a kind of subspecialty of bioethics. Until very recently, the human mind was a black box. But here we are in the 21st century, and now we have all these new technologies with opportunities to look inside that black box — a little.


With functional magnetic imaging, f.M.R.I., you can get pictures of what the brain is doing during cognition. You see which parts light up during brain activity. Scientists are trying to match those lights with specific behaviors.


At the same time this is moving forward, there are all kinds of drugs being developed and tested to modify behavior and the mind. So the question is: Are these new technologies ethical?


A neuroethicist can look at the downstream implications of these new possibilities. We help map the conflicting arguments, which will, hopefully, lead to more informed decisions. What we want is for citizens and policy makers to be thinking in advance about how new technologies will affect them. As a society, we don’t do enough of that.


Give us an example of a technology that entered our lives without forethought.


The Internet. It has made us more connected to the world’s knowledge. But it’s also reduced our actual human contacts with one another.


So what would be an issue you might look at through a neuroethics lens?


New drugs to alter memory. Right now, the government is quite interested in propranolol. They are testing it on soldiers with post-traumatic stress disorder. The good part is that the drug helps traumatized veterans by removing the bad memories causing them such distress. A neuroethicist must ask, “Is this good for society, to have warriors have their memories wiped out chemically? Will we start getting conscienceless soldiers?”


What do you think?


It is a serious business removing memories, because memories can affect your personal identity. They can impact who you think you are. I’d differentiate between offering such a drug to every distressed soldier and giving it only to certain individuals with a specific need.


Let’s say you have a situation like that in “Sophie’s Choice,” where the memories are so bad that the person is suicidal. Even if the drug causes them to live in falsehood, that would have been preferable to suicide.


But should we give it to every soldier who goes into battle? No! You need memory for a conscience. Doing this routinely might create super-immoral soldiers. As humans we have natural moral reactions to the beings around us — sympathy for other people and animals. When you start to tinker with those neurosystems, we’re not going to react to our fellow humans in the right way anymore. One wonders about the wrong people giving propranolol routinely to genocidal gangs in places like Rwanda or Syria.


Some researchers claim to be near to using f.M.R.I.’s to read thoughts. Is this really happening?


The technology, though still crude, appears to be getting closer. For instance, there’s one research group that asks subjects to watch movies. When they look at the subject’s visual cortex while the subject is watching, they can sort of recreate what they are seeing — or a semblance of it.


Similarly, there’s another experiment where they can tell in advance whether you’re going to push the right or the left button. On the basis of these experiments some people claim they’ll soon be able to read minds. Before we go further with this, I’d like to think more about what it could mean. The technology has the potential to destroy any concept of inner privacy.


What about using f.M.R.I. to replace lie detectors?


The fact is we don’t really know if f.M.R.I.’s will be any more reliable or predictive. Nonetheless, in India, a woman was convicted of poisoning her boyfriend on the basis of f.M.R.I. evidence. The authorities said that based on the pictures of blood flow in her brain, she was lying to them.


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European Mobile Stocks Fall After Costly Spectrum Auction


BERLIN — Shares of four big European cellphone operators fell Monday after they paid more than twice what investors had been expecting in a spectrum auction in the Netherlands, raising concern that a damaging bidding war could sap the industry.


The Dutch auction began Oct. 31 and ended Friday, raising 3.8 billion euros, or $5 billion, for spectrum that the companies plan to use for high-speed service using Long Term Evolution, or LTE, technology. But analysts warned that the sale, to be followed next year by a much larger spectrum auction in Britain, could herald a new round of expensive infrastructure levies that might restrict operators at a time when their sales have been stagnating.


The winners were KPN, the former Dutch monopoly; Vodafone, the British mobile group; the German company T-Mobile; and the Swedish operator Tele2.


LTE supports all of the typical high-speed applications, including audio and video streaming and Internet browsing, but is much faster, cutting download times and significantly expanding the capacity of existing networks to handle increases in data traffic.


After the bidding, KPN, which is owned in part by the Mexican communications mogul Carlos Slim Helú, canceled its dividend for 2012 and lowered its projected investor payout for 2013 to cover the 1.35 billion euros the company spent in the auction.


On Monday, the first day of stock trading after the completion of the auction, shares of KPN fell nearly 15 percent in Amsterdam, the steepest drop in more than a decade. Shares of Vodafone were down 1.7 percent by the close of the day in London. Shares of Deutsche Telekom, the parent company of T-Mobile, fell 0.3 percent in Frankfurt, and shares of Tele2 declined 1 percent in Stockholm.


“The money raised in the Dutch auction was a lot more than investors were expecting,” said Phil Kendall, an analyst at Strategy Analytics in Milton Keynes, England. “The concern now is that the sums will now be so great the technology will be unprofitable.”


Mr. Kendall said mobile operators were eager to obtain additional spectrum because extensive bandwidth had become increasingly critical to handle the explosion of mobile Internet data, which is testing the capacity of some carriers’ grids and causing overloading.


“Really, for many operators, the only way they will be able to differentiate themselves from other operators is by having enough spectrum to manage the demand on their services,” Mr. Kendall said. “That is why there is such intense interest in buying more frequency.”


More radio spectrum, or wireless network capacity, is crucial to delivering the high speeds advertised for LTE, which theoretically can produce download rates of up to 300 megabits per second on a wireless connection. Such speeds and the expanded capacity of the networks are considered essential to support the rapid expansion of the wireless Internet, as well as the increasing use of mobile grids for robotic communication between devices.


Speeds on the first generation of LTE networks activated in Germany, South Korea, Sweden and the United States have averaged much less, generally 10 to 25 megabits per second, in part because operators do not have enough spectrum to exploit the technology’s full potential.


The Dutch auction also raised the specter of another costly round of infrastructure fees on the cellphone industry similar to those in 1999 and 2000, when operators paid billions for the first European 3G mobile licenses.


Investors were concerned that the Dutch prices could set a precedent for auctions planned in Britain and perhaps Poland next year, as well as others that will be held across Europe over the next five years, as bandwidth is freed up and sold by national governments to wireless carriers. Germany, which held its latest spectrum auction in 2010, has indicated that it may hold another in 2016.


Those license sales in 1999 and 2000, engineered in most cases by governments to extract the maximum from mobile operators, led to large profit write-downs by operators including Vodafone and Telefónica, which owns the carrier O2.


With completion of the Dutch auction, the focus will now shift to Britain, where the sector’s regulator is planning to begin its spectrum auction in January.


All four British mobile network operators are expected to bid: Everything Everywhere, the venture of Deutsche Telekom and France Telecom; Vodafone; O2 U.K.; and 3, a unit of Hutchison Whampoa. The former landline monopoly BT has not ruled out a potential bid, which could further raise the stakes.


Matthew Howett, an analyst at Ovum, a research firm in London, said the British auction could raise £2 billion to £4 billion, or $3.2 billion to $6.5 billion.


“The £2 billion to £4 billion range that is widely touted is based on similar auctions elsewhere in Europe,” he said. “There is nothing to suggest that the U.K. should be any different. It’s possibly the most competitive market in Europe and all existing operators will want to make sure they walk away with spectrum to feed the almost insatiable appetite we in the U.K. now have for data.”


This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: December 17, 2012

An earlier version of this article erroneously stated the amount paid by KPN for spectrum in the auction. It was 1.35 billion euros, not $1.35 billion.



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